A SELF CONCEPT-BASED MODEL OF WORK MOTIVATION
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NANCY H. LEONARD
Assistant Professor College of Business Administration University of Evansville 1800 Lincoln Avenue
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LAURA LYNN BEAUVAIS
Associate Professor Department of Management University of Rhode Island Kingston, RI 02881-0802 |
RICHARD W. SCHOLL
Professor of Management Director of Graduate Programs Department of Management University of Rhode Island Kingston, RI 02881-0802 |
ABSTRACT This paper introduces a unifying model of work motivation based on theories of self concept that have been proposed in the sociological and psychological literatures. Traditional theories of work motivation are reviewed, the model is presented, and used to link sources of motivation to organizational inducement systems.
INTRODUCTION
There is a growing realization that traditional models of motivation do not explain the diversity of behavior found in organizational settings. While research and theory building in the areas of goal setting, reward systems, leadership, and job design have advanced our understanding of organizational behavior, most of this work is built on the premise that individuals act in ways to maximize the value of exchange with the organization. In addition, some researchers have called attention to the role of dispositions and volitional processes in models of motivation (Kanfer, 1990). Others point out that we have a variety of motivation theories that have no unifying theme and are not supported well by the research (Locke & Henne 1986). In an effort to address these issues, some researchers have turned to self theory as an alternative explanation for organizational behavior. Specifically, social identity theory (Stryker, 1980, 1986; Tajfel & Turner, 1985), self presentation theory (Beach & Mitchell, 1990; Gergen, 1968; Schlenker, 1985), and self efficacy theory (Bandura, 1982, 1986), are all fundamentally rooted in the concept of self.
In this paper, we introduce a unifying model of motivation based on theories of self concept that have been proposed in the sociological and psychological literatures. We will begin by reviewing some traditional theories of motivation, specifically concentrating on their limitations with regard to external validity and generalizability across situations. Then we will present a comprehensive model that proposes the self concept as the underlying force that energizes, directs and sustains behavior across a wide variety of situations. We will discuss how the self concept influences behavior in organizations and present a typology of sources of motivation which can be used as a unifying framework based on the self concept. We will conclude with managerial implications and suggestions for future research.
WHY A SELF CONCEPT-BASED MODEL OF WORK MOTIVATION IS NEEDED
There have been a number of attempts at developing models of self concept-based motivation, but none as yet have been integrated into the mainstream of organizational research and teaching (Brief & Aldag, 1981; Gecas, 1982,1986; Korman, 1970; Schlenker, 1985; Shamir, 1991). Most organizational behavior textbooks provide only a cursory overview of self-based constructs. What is missing is a model of the self concept that clearly defines these constructs and explains how they can be integrated with traditional work motivation models. After reviewing the literature on motivation, we have determined that there are four major reasons why we need the addition of self concept-based constructs to more completely understand and predict organizational behavior. Specifically, these four reasons are: (1) the need to explain non-calculative-based work behavior; (2) the need to better account for internal sources of motivation; (3) the need to integrate dispositional and situational explanations of behavior; and (4) the need to integrate existing self-based theories in the literature.
Need to Explain Non-Calculative-Based Work Behavior. Most of our currently popular theories of work motivation assume that individuals are "rational maximizer(s) of personal utility" (Shamir, 1990, p. 39). For example, expectancy theory assumes that motivation is a result of calculatively determined probabilities associated with different levels or types of behavior and the valences of the outcomes associated with these behaviors. Equity theory may be considered calculative insofar as it assumes that people cognitively assess their own attitudes and job performance by comparing their input/outcome ratio to that of a referent other. If this ratio indicates an imbalance between inputs and rewards as compared to the referent, then inequity is produced. This inequity causes cognitive dissonance that the individual is motivated to reduce. These cognitive choice or calculative models assume that behaviors are the result of hedonistic processes (i.e., people will behave in ways that maximize positive outcomes and minimize negative outcomes).
Although research over the past twenty years in decision-making, occupational choice, and achievement motivation (see Kanfer, 1990, for a review of this literature) has provided strong support for these calculative models, they cannot account for the full range of motivated behavior. For example, these models do not explain changes in behavior across situations when expectancies and valences remain constant (Atkinson & Birch, 1970). In addition, individuals may differ in the use of expectancy and instrumentality information (Rynes & Lawler, 1983). Self theory supplements calculative models by suggesting the concept of self as a basis for non-calculative explanations of behavior.
Need to Account for Internal Sources of Motivation. There are a number of theories that attempt to capture types or sources of motivation affecting organizational members. For instance, in discussing internal and external causes of behavior, deCharms (1968) suggested the dichotomy of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation to characterize the different loci of causality. Intrinsically motivated behaviors (i.e., those behaviors that occur in the absence of external controls) are said to represent internal causality, whereas behaviors that are induced by external forces are said to represent external causality. Deci (1975) explored the effects of extrinsic rewards on intrinsic motivation and in doing so, tried to shed some light on the meaning of intrinsic motivation. He suggested that intrinsically motivated behaviors fall into two categories. The first category includes behaviors that individuals engage in to seek out challenging situations. These challenges represent incongruities between stimuli and comparison standards. The second category includes behaviors aimed at reducing these incongruities (i.e., overcoming challenges). Thus, intrinsically motivated behavior, according to Deci, is conceptualized as a continual process of seeking and overcoming challenges.
Another understanding of intrinsic motivation is offered by Katz and Kahn (1978). They argue that the bases of motivation can be categorized in terms of legal compliance, external rewards (i.e., instrumental satisfaction), and internalized motivation. Internalized motivation is further broken down into self-expression, derived directly from role performance and internalized values, resulting when group or organizational goals become incorporated into the value system of the individual. Etzioni (1975) takes a similar view when arguing that organizations induce involvement from their members by one of three means: alienative, calculative, or moral. Alienative and calculative involvement are explained by exchange processes. Moral involvement is more complex. According to Etzioni, there are two kinds of moral involvement, pure and social. Pure moral involvement is the result of internalization of norms, while social involvement results from sensitivity to pressures of primary groups and their members. Moral involvement is not based on expected satisfaction of needs and may even demand the denial of need satisfaction and the sacrifice of personal pleasure. For example, military personnel who serve in the armed forces demonstrate the value of serving one's country to the point of risking their lives, and the individual who works a double shift for a friend who needs the night off demonstrates the value of friendship. In these instances, the consequence of acting in line with one's internalized values is not a sense of pleasure or need fulfillment, but rather a sense of affirmation attained when the person abides by his or her moral commitments.
The above approaches are strikingly similar in that they allow for both an instrumental, or exchange basis of motivation, and an expressive basis of motivation, whether it is termed intrinsic motivation, intrinsically motivated behavior, moral involvement, or internalized motivation. This paper is concerned with clarifying our understanding of expressive motivation by integrating these different approaches in a model of the self concept.
Need to Integrate Dispositional and Situational Explanations of Behavior. Psychologists have long postulated that individual dispositions or personalities are significant determinants of behavior. The assumptions underlying this approach are that (1) there are individual differences in ways of behaving; (2) individual behavior is somewhat stable over time; and (3) individual behavior is somewhat consistent across situations (Pervin, 1975). At the other extreme is the view that behavior is determined by situational factors and that similarity in behavior results from similarity of situational circumstances. Supporting this latter view, Mischel (1968) argued that personality traits have accounted for little variance in behavior across situations. Recently, some researchers have begun to provide new evidence for the dispositional view. For example, Staw and Ross (1985) found in a longitudinal study, that job attitudes were significantly stable over a five year period and that there was significant cross-situational consistency when individuals changed occupations and/or employers. Gerhardt (1987) replicated these findings using a younger sample of both men and women and a more sophisticated methodology that controlled for job complexity. Arvey, Bouchard, Segal, and Abraham (1989) have even provided evidence for a genetic disposition in the determination of job satisfaction.
Today, most researchers have taken an interactionist view that states that behavior is a function of both environment and personality (Mitchell & James, 1989; Pervin, 1989). Specifically, these researchers are suggesting that a dynamic reciprocal interaction occurs between the person and the situation. Pervin challenges researchers to develop models that will explain how people are able to shift from situation to situation, often exhibiting different patterns of behavior, while still retaining a recognizable personality structure. To meet Pervin's challenge, the self-concept model proposed in this paper provides a way of explaining both consistency and variability in individual work behavior across situations.
Need to Integrate Existing Self-Based Theories. In recent years, a plethora of self-based theories have been proposed (Korman, 1970; Markus & Wurf, 1987; Schlenker, 1985; Shamir, 1991; Snyder & Williams, 1982). All of these theories are based on the assumption that "human beings have a fundamental need to maintain or enhance the phenomenal self" (Snyder & Williams, 1982, p. 258). Because of this fundamental need, individuals are motivated to behave in ways that are consistent with existing self-perceptions. Thus, these theories may be useful in expanding our notion of motivated behavior in the workplace.
Unfortunately, because of the different streams of research in this area, our knowledge of self theory is piecemeal in nature and highly disorganized. Further, a proliferation of terms and concepts that often overlap in meaning has resulted. What is needed is an integrative model of the self-concept that will clarify the nature of self theory constructs and organize them in a nomological net that will guide empirical research.
If self theory is to be useful to organizational researchers, it must do a number of things. First, it must provide a detailed description of the structure and content of the self concept and an understanding of how it is developed. Second, it must address how the self concept influences behavior in organizations. Third, it must explain how the self concept affects employee reactions to organizational systems that are in place to induce specific behaviors (e.g., reward systems, cultural systems, etc.). We will begin with an overview of the self concept in terms of structural components and developmental processes.
STRUCTURE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SELF CONCEPT
In a recent review, Markus & Wurf (1987) state that the most dramatic advances in the last decade of research on the self concept can be found in work on its structure and content. Historically, one of the major stumbling blocks to linking the self concept to behavior has been the view of the self concept as a stable, generalized, or average view of the self. More recent research in social psychology (Greenwald & Pratkanis, 1984; Schlenker, 1980) has resolved this problem by conceptualizing of the self concept as a multifaceted phenomenon composed of a set of images, schemas and prototypes (Markus & Wurf, 1987). There has been a similar movement in sociology where the self is defined in terms of multiple identities (Schlenker, 1985; Stryker, 1980). Identities include personal characteristics, features and experiences, as well as roles and social statuses. In both streams of research, authors define the self concept in terms of various self-representations. Their work indicates that some self-representations are more important than others (Schlenker, 1980, 1984); some are representations of what the self is perceived to be, versus what the self would like to be (Markus & Wurf, 1987); some are core conceptions (Gergen, 1968) or salient identities (Stryker, 1980, 1986) while others are more peripheral; and some are relatively stable (Sullivan, 1989) while others are dynamic (Markus & Wurf, 1987).
In the self concept-based model of motivation which we are proposing, one's concept of self is composed of four interrelated self-perceptions: the perceived self, the ideal self, one's self esteem, and a set of social identities. Each of these elements plays a crucial role in understanding how the self concept relates to energizing, directing and sustaining organizational behavior. Each of these self-representations will be described and their interrelationships discussed.
The Perceived Self Most models and descriptions of the self involve elements of self perceptions; however, most are unclear as to what aspects of the self the individual holds perceptions of. One of the earliest theorists writing on the nature of the self was William James (1890). He saw the self as consisting of whatever the individual views as belonging to himself or herself, which includes a material, a social, and a spiritual self. The perceptions of the material self are those of one's own body, family, and possessions. The social self includes the views others have of the individual, and the spiritual includes perceptions of one's emotions and desires. Kihlstrom, Cantor, and their associates suggest that individuals hold perceptions of themselves in terms of traits and values (Kihlstrom & Cantor, 1984), their attributes, experiences, thoughts and actions (Cantor & Kihlstrom, 1985; 1987), and their physical appearance, demographic attributes and dispositions of various sorts (Kihlstrom, Cantor, Albright, Chew, Klein & Niedenthal, 1988). Gecas (1982) asserts that the content of the self concept consists of perceptions of social and personal identities, traits, attributes, and possessions.
The model which we propose utilizes three general categories of self-perceptions which we believe incorporate most of those suggested in earlier research. These include traits, com-petencies and values.
Traits. Traits are labels for broad reaction tendencies and express relatively permanent patterns of behavior (Cattell, 1965). Fundamental to this definition is the assumption that people make internal attributions to individuals who demonstrate a particular behavior pattern in different situations or at different times without apparent external reasons. The more cross-situational consistency one observes, and the more external causes of behavior seem to be lacking, the more likely one would make an internal or dispositional attribution (Harvey, Kelley, & Shapiro, 1957). It is not important at this point to understand what really motivates aggressive behavior. What is important is that individuals hold a set of self perceptions regarding many different traits.
Competencies. A second element in the perceived self is competencies. Individuals hold perceptions of what skills, abilities, talents, and knowledge they possess. These can range from very specific skills, such as the ability to run a turret lathe, to more general competencies, such as the leadership skills to create and manage change.
Values. Values are defined as concepts and beliefs about desirable end states or behaviors that transcend specific situations, guide selection or evaluation of behavior and events, and are ordered by relative importance (Schwartz & Bilsky, 1990). Individuals demonstrate certain values through their speech and actions. This element of the perceived self is concerned with the set of values that the individual believes guides his or her decisions and actions.
An individual's perception of his/her attributes (i.e., traits, competencies, and values), can be describe in terms of two separate dimensions, level and strength. Level of self perception refers to the degree to which the individual perceives he/she possesses this attribute. Does the individual see himself or herself as highly introverted (trait), or a very good tennis player (competency), or a hard worker (value)? This dimension deals with the issue of where individuals see themselves, relative to their ideal selves, and is directly related to the issue of high and low self esteem. (The components of ideal self and self esteem will be described shortly.)
When determining the level of an attribute, individuals use two types of evaluative frames of reference. An ordinal standard or frame of reference is used when the individual rates or compares himself or herself to others (i.e., how good is he or she relative to others). To be first or the best is the ultimate criterion when using this type of standard. An individual may also use a fixed standard, whereby he/she rates or evaluates attributes against a goal or predetermined metric or criterion (i.e., to earn a bachelors' degree). This may take the form of reaching a set of internalized goals or timetables.
The second dimension of the perceived self is the strength of the perception, and refers to how strongly the individual holds the perception of attribute level. Individuals with strong perceived selves are relatively firm in their perceptions of an attribute level. These strong perceptions of self are a result of consistent and clear feedback regarding the attribute. A weak perceived self is reflected in individuals who are relatively unsure of an attribute level, often resulting from conflicting or ambiguous feedback regarding the attribute. How these self per-ceptions develop is explained next.
Development of Perceived Self. Self perceptions are determined through interaction with one's environment. Processes of attitude formation, attitude change, (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980) and self attribution (Jones, 1990) all contribute to the development of a set of self perceptions. As indicated above, when feedback is unambiguous, plentiful, and consistent, a set of strongly held self perceptions is formed. Ambiguous, lacking, or inconsistent feedback results in weakly held self perceptions.
Two primary forms of information one receives about the self from the environment come in the form of task feedback and social feedback. Task feedback comes directly from observation of the results of one's efforts on different task activities. Completion of a project, accomplishment of a goal, and winning a competition are all forms of task feedback. Social feedback is probably the most prevalent type of feedback one receives regarding his or her traits, competencies, and values. It is the feedback one derives from the behavior and communication, verbal and non-verbal, of others.
The link between social feedback and the perceived self is grounded in the process of attribution. As people seek to understand the behavior of a particular individual, they make certain attributions as to the causes of patterns of behavior they observe in that individual (Jones & Nisbitt, 1971; Kelley, 1971). Under certain conditions, observers make internal or dispositional attributions, mostly in the form of traits, competencies, or values, and these internal attributions become the basis for self perceptions. These attributions are communi-cated to the person in a number of ways, both directly and indirectly. Attributions may be communicated directly in the form of written or oral evaluation, praise, reprimand, or recognition. For example, direct feedback may be regarding a trait (you're too aggressive), a competency (you're an excellent teacher), or a value (you're an honest person). In addition, attributions are communicated indirectly in a number of ways. An evaluative statement regarding a project or task for which the individual feels responsible is an example of indirect social feedback. Other types of indirect social feedback come in the form of inclusion or non-inclusion of the individual by group members in their activities, the bestowing of positions of status on the individual, and when others accept or fail to accept an individual's influence by acting or failing to act on his or her advice, recommendations, or orders. It is important to note that the feedback provider does not have to intend to provide feedback for the feedback receiver to interpret an action as social feedback.
The Ideal Self While the perceived self describes the set of perceptions individuals hold of their actual traits, competencies, and values, the ideal self represents the set of traits, competencies and values an individual would like to possess (Rogers, 1959). By possess we mean that the individual desires to believe that he/she actually has a particular trait, competency, or value, or wants others to believe that the individual has the trait, competency, or value. This view of ideal self is similar to Schlenker's (1985) "idealized image" (i.e., the ultimate person one would like to be).
Development of the Ideal Self. In the early stages of interaction with a reference group, whether the reference group is the primary group (i.e., the family for a young child) or a secondary group (i.e., one's peers or co-workers), choices and decisions are channeled through the existing social system. As an individual interacts with the reference group, he/she receives feedback from reference group members. If the feedback is positive and unconditional, the individual will internalize the traits, competencies and values which are important to that reference group. In this case, the individual becomes inner-directed, using the internalized traits, competencies and values as a measure of his/her own successes/failures. Internalized competencies and values have been suggested as the basis of the ideal self (Higgins, Klein & Strauman, 1987) and as an internal standard for behavior (Bandura, 1986). If the individual receives negative feedback or positive but conditional feedback, the individual may not internalize or only partially internalize the traits, competencies and values of the reference group. This type of individual becomes other-directed and will either withdraw from the group or seek constant feedback from group members.
Thus, the establishment of the ideal self is determined through a mix of external, or other-directed standards, and internal, or inner-directed standards, depending on one's orientation to the world (Reisman, 1961). The ideal self of the other-directed individual is developed largely through the established norms and role expectations of reference group members. The audience for one's actions becomes the reference group, in that it is important that reference group members see the individual as possessing accepted attributes. For the inner-directed individual, the ideal self is determined largely through the development of a set of internalized goals and standards, and the individual becomes his or her own audience. Gottfredson's (1981) perspective on individual and social achievement motivation is similar to this conceptualization. This latter author asserts that in individually-oriented achievement motivation, the individual strives to achieve some internalized standards of excellence. In contrast, socially-oriented achievement motivation reflects an individual's perseverance to fulfill the expectations of significant others.
Social Identities According to Ashforth and Mael (1989), social identification is a process by which individuals classify themselves and others into different social categories, such as "woman," "Catholic," and "nurse." This classification process serves the functions of segmenting and ordering the social environment and enabling the individual to locate or define him- or herself in that social environment. Thus, social identification provides a partial answer to the question, "Who am I?" Social identities are thus those aspects of an individual's self-concept that derive from the social categories to which he or she perceives him- or herself as belonging (Tajfel & Turner, 1985).
Development of Social Identities. Individuals establish social identities through involvement with reference groups in social situations. Reference groups provide three major functions with respect to social identities: (1) the determination of the profile of traits, competencies, and values for a particular social identity; (2) the establishment and com-munication of the relative value and status of various social roles or identities; and (3) are the basis of social feedback regarding one's level of these traits, competencies, and values.
Specifically, social identities link individuals to reference groups. These groups establish a set of role expectations and norms which guide the individual's behavior within each of the social identities. For example, the identity of an accountant may be associated with reserve and self control (traits), analytical ability and good memory (competencies), and honesty and free enterprise (values). Individuals who desire to be identified with the reference group will attempt to demonstrate the traits, competencies, and values associated with that identity. These aspired-to traits, competencies, and values serve as the basis for the ideal self. Once established, the attributes then reinforce the identity. The determination of the relevant set of attributes that comprise the identity is not fixed, but rather is the result of an interaction process between individuals and subgroups and members of the relevant reference group. This definition and redefinition of the identity is a constant process (Bandura, 1986; Markus & Wurf, 1987).
Individual's establish at least two types of social identities: a global identity and role-specific identities. The global identity is the identity one wishes to portray across all situations, across various roles, and to various reference groups. The global identity exists independently of any specific social identity. The reference group for the global identity includes those members of one's primary group, and the traits, competencies and values which are relevant to the individual are those which are reinforced by the individual's culture. The global identity is formed early in life, and one's family, functioning as a primary reference group, performs the three functions mentioned above.
The global identity provides a starting point for role-specific identities. As the individual matures, the control of the primary group lessens and the individual begins to establish certain role-specific social identities. Role-specific social identities are those identities established for a specific reference group or a specific social role. It is this process of selecting and "earning" the identity that acts to define one's self to various reference groups. By "earning" the identity, we are describing the process whereby the individual meets basic expectations of the reference group (either formal or informal credentialling) necessary to carry out the role.
As an individual begins to interact with reference group members in a role-specific identity, the global identity provides input to this specific identity. However, as an individual remains in a role-specific identity and receives positive feedback from group members, the role-specific identity begins to provide input to the global identity. The reference groups in these social situations (e.g., one's co-workers, friends, etc.) begin to perform the functions which were previously performed by the primary reference group. The individual is now exposed to the traits, competencies, and values which are valued by each new reference group. The identity-specific reference groups also provide the social feedback important in the development of the perceived self.
Thus, identities may be thought to exist in a hierarchy, starting with the global identity and working through role-specific identities. As reference groups become more specific, the identity becomes more specific, and thus the attributes associated with the identity become more specific. For example, an individual may identify him/herself as an academic at one level, a member of the business administration faculty at another, and a finance professor at yet another level of specificity (Stryker & Serpe, 1982). Roberts and Donahue (1994) provide empirical evidence that individuals do see themselves differently in each of their roles and, in particular, they rate the trait attributes of some roles more highly than the trait attributes of others. They also found that general self perceptions (i.e., global identity) are related to the role-specific self perceptions.
As participation in a social identity continues over time, the reference group itself becomes the basis of identification, and the success or failure of the reference group as a whole becomes a source of feedback for the individual. As defined by social identity theory (Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Tajfel & Turner, 1985), social identification is the perception of oneness with or belonging-ness to a reference group. When an individual identifies with a social referenced group, he/she perceives the fate of the group as his/her own (Foote, 1951; Tolman, 1943). The more an individual identifies with a social identity, the more the individual vests his/her self concept in the identity.
Self Esteem The self esteem is the evaluative component of the self concept (Gergen, 1971; Rosenberg, 1965). It is a function of the distance between the ideal self and the perceived self. When the perceived self matches the ideal self, self esteem is relatively high. Low self esteem occurs when the perceived self is significantly lower than the ideal self. Since the distance between the ideal and perceived self constantly varies depending on task and social feedback, self esteem is a dynamic component of the self concept and it is always in a state of change and development.
Korman (1970) suggests three types of self esteem: chronic self esteem, which is defined as a relatively persistent personality trait or dispositional state that occurs consistently across various situations; task-specific self esteem, which is one's self perception of his/her competence concerning a particular task or job; and socially-influenced self esteem, which is a function of the expectations of others. Chronic self esteem is the result of past experience and focuses on one's competencies. An individual's confidence in his/her competencies directs the individual into situations which will require the use of those competencies. Task-specific self esteem is the result of feedback which comes directly from observation of the results of one's efforts. Lastly, socially-influenced self esteem results from communication or feedback from reference group members or society as a whole, concerning the value of an identity and the individual's ability to meet the expectations of the reference group and/or society as a whole.
SUMMARY
The complete model of the self concept including the four components described above is illustrated in Figure 1. The following summarizes the structure and development of the self concept as proposed in our model:
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The self concept is a relatively stable, but changeable, set of self perceptions that are developed through social interaction, and includes self perceptions, ideal selves, social identities, and self esteem.
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The perceived self is comprised of a set of self cognitions regarding one's traits, competencies and values. It is developed and reinforced through social and task feedback, which results in two dimensions: level of perceptions and strength of perception. Level of perceptions refer to the degree to which an individual possesses an attribute relative to their ideal self and is expressed on a continuum from low to high. Strength of perception refers to how strongly the individual holds the perception of attribute level and is expressed on a continuum from weak to strong. The frame of reference or standard used to compare perceived and ideal self is either fixed or ordinal. The type of feedback which an individual receives from their primary group (i.e. conditional /unconditional) determines whether they use an inner- or other-directed standard to measure the ideal self.
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Social identities are those aspects of the self concept that derive from social categories to which he/she perceives him/herself as be-longing. Reference groups establish the role expectations and norms which guide the individual's behavior within the social identities. Two types of social identities are established: global identity and role-specific identities. The global identity is formed early in life and is the identity one wishes to display across all situations, roles and reference groups. The global identity forms the basis for role-specific identities. Role-specific identities are those identities established for a specific reference group or social role. Global and role-specific identities are inter-active.
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Self-esteem is the evaluative component of the self concept, and is a function of the distance between the ideal self and the perceived self. Three types of self-esteem are proposed: chronic, task-based and socially influenced. |
Figure 1
Self Concept-Based Model of Motivation
The next section explains how the self concept provides the basis for a broader yet more parsimonious explanation of motivated behavior in organizations.
HOW THE SELF CONCEPT INFLUENCES BEHAVIOR IN ORGANIZATIONS
The structure of the self concept may be thought of as a relatively stable set of cognitions that provide the basis for the expectancies, instrumentalities, and valences in instrumental or calculative motivation. However, there is also an expressive component of the self concept, which refers to how an individual processes information (feedback, observations, etc.) and uses the structure of the self concept to filter incoming information and translate this information into action. Much of the work in motivation relies heavily on cognitive models of behavior, and while many behaviors are the result of thought processes that are open to the individual's conscious inspection, other behaviors are the result of a process that is not entirely understood or conscious to the individual. We will refer to these acognitive processes, as the expressive component of the self concept. Both the expressive or acognitive processes, as well as the cognitive processes, are important in understanding the link between the self concept and behavior.
It is proposed that self perceptions of one's traits, competencies and values exist as knowledge structures which serve to monitor and control current experience, thought and actions. Some knowledge structures are cognitive in nature and provide data for information processing in a given social situation. These knowledge structures lead to behavioral patterns that appear stable across situations. Other knowledge structures, under certain conditions, may be inaccessible to retrieval and conscious introspection. Kihlstrom et al. (1988) call these aspects of the self, preconscious or subconscious. These acognitive knowledge structures account for individual behavior which seems to counter individual goals, or behavior which deviates from the individual's intentions and causes the individual to behave in ways that appear variable across situations. Expressive motivation is best explained by these acognitive knowledge structures.
Nisbitt and Wilson (1977) argue that people have access to (know) the products of cognitive processes but cannot access the actual workings of those processes. When applied to the self, this would suggest that people utilize the knowledge structures which are cognitive in nature to determine motivation at a calculative level, while motivation which results from acognitive knowledge structures must be inferred indirectly on the basis of behavior. Both cognitive knowledge structures and acognitive structures are often termed schema, or schemata, and provide a framework that helps the individual organize his or her world and provide meaning and structure to incoming information (Graesser, Woll, Kowalski & Smith, 1980). Schlenker (1985) refers to these self-schemata as "identities" and defines an identity as a theory or schema of an individual that describes, interrelates, and explains his or her relevant features, characteristics, and experiences. Thus, an individual's identity specifies the contents of what he/she is like, and secondly, it guides and regulates his/her subsequent experience by affecting thoughts, feelings, behaviors, and outcomes.
The major purpose of developing a model of the self concept is to provide a unitary construct that is able to explain both cognitive and acognitive motivational processes. Before linking self concept-based ideas to such motivational processes, we must first discuss what we call the sources of motivation: instrumental, intrinsic process, goal internalization, and internal and external self concept-based motivation.
SOURCES OF MOTIVATION
As indicated earlier, most motivation theorists have proposed that there are two major sources of motivation: extrinsic and intrinsic (deCharms, 1968). Extrinsic motivation is that which derives from external forces and is represented in our model as instrumental sources of motivation. Our conceptualization of intrinsic motivation expands deCharms' definition of intrinsic motivation as behaviors which occur in the absence of external controls. This expansion integrates Deci's (1975) classification of intrinsic motivation as behaviors that individuals engage in to seek out challenging situations or to overcome challenges, Katz and Kahn's (1978) definition of internalized motivation as self-expression or internalized values and Etzioni's (1975) conceptualization of pure moral involvement which results from internalized values, and social moral involvement which is results from feedback from reference group members. These types of motivation are represented in our model as intrinsic process, goal internalization, and both internal and external self concept-based processes. In this section, we will discuss each of the sources of motivation in more detail.
Instrumental Motivation: Instrumental rewards are a motivating source when individuals believe that the behaviors they engage in will lead to certain outcomes such as pay, praise, etc. Rooted in the work of Barnard (1938) and March and Simon (1958), the basic assumption is that individuals and organizations constitute an exchange relationship. This is similar to Katz and Kahn's (1978) legal compliance and external rewards as bases of motivation and Etzioni's (1975) alienative and calculative involvement. Expectancy and equity theories are currently accepted models of motivation based on exchange relationships.
Intrinsic Process Motivation: Indi-viduals are motivated by intrinsic process rewards when they perform a behavior just because it is "fun". In other words, the motivation comes from the work itself. Individuals enjoy the work and feel rewarded simply by performing the task. There are no external controls regulating the behavior (deCharmes, 1968) and behavior that is challenging (Deci, 1975) may be considered enjoyable to some people. Hackman and Oldham's (1976) job characteristics model is representative of intrinsic process motivation.
Goal Internalization: Behavior is motivated by goal internalization when the individual adopts attitudes and behaviors because their content is congruent with their value system (Kelman, 1958). Katz and Kahn (1978) term this type of motivation, internalized values, and a similar concept is suggested by Etzioni's (1975) pure moral involvement. Some researchers have examined goal internalization as one dimension of organizational commitment (Becker, 1992; O'Reilly & Chatman, 1986).
Internal Self Concept-based Moti-vation: Self concept motivation will be inter-nally based when the individual is primarily inner-directed. Internal self concept motivation takes the form of the individual setting internal stand-ards that become the basis for the ideal self. The individual tends to use fixed rather than ordinal standards of self measurement as he/she at-tempts to first, reinforce perceptions of compe-tency, and later achieve higher levels of compe-tency. This need for achieving higher levels of competency is similar to what McClelland (1961) refers to as a high need for achievement. The motivating force for indi-viduals who are inner-driven and motivated by their self concept is task feedback. It is important to these individual that their efforts are vital in achieving outcomes and that their ideas and actions are instrumental in performing a job well. It is not important that others provide reinforcing feedback as is true for other-directed individuals. This process is akin to Deci's (1975) idea of intrinsic motivation as representing one's attempt to seek out and overcome challenges, and Katz and Kahn's (1978) idea of internalized motivation as self-expression derived from role performance.
External Self Concept-based Motivation: Self concept motivation is externally based when the individual is primarily other-directed. In this case, the ideal self is derived by adopting the role expectations of reference groups. The individual attempts to meet the expectations of others by behaving in ways that will elicit social feedback consistent with self perceptions. When positive task feedback is obtained, the individual finds it necessary to communicate these results to members of the reference group. The individual behaves in ways which satisfy reference group members, first to gain acceptance, and after achieving that, to gain status. These two needs, for acceptance and status, are similar to McClelland's (1961) need for affiliation and need for power. The individual continually strives to earn the acceptance and status of reference group members. This status orientation usually leads to an ordinal standard of self evaluation. This type of motivation is also similar to Etzioni's (1975) social moral involvement.
Individuals experience both internally- and externally-based self concept motivation to varying degrees. Whether or not an individual will be motivated by his or her self concept and whether the source of that motivation is internal or external, are dependent on a number of things. As discussed above, an individual may have a high or low self concept, strong or weakly held self perceptions and utilize a fixed or ordinal standard of evaluation. These characteristics lead to individual self concept types and patterns of behavior. In order to demonstrate how the proposed model of self concept-based motivation can increase our understanding of organizational behavior, we will discuss two of these types as examples.
- High and weakly held self concept, outer directed, using an ordinal standard. These individuals are highly competitive and self presentation is important. They have a need to put finger prints on success and to disassociate with failure. A prime concern for these individuals is establishing blame when failure occurs or establishing credits for group successes. These individuals are status and power oriented with a strong need for external or social affirmation.
- High and weakly held self concept, inner directed, using a fixed standard. These individuals set high standards for themselves. Each project is a test of their competency. These individuals seek task feedback and involve themselves in projects that test competencies and allow for this type of feedback. They must have ownership (control) over project outcomes. While they have a high self concept, this is not strongly held and thus they need to continually seek feedback through task performance.
While intrinsic, instrumental and goal internalization have been discussed extensively in previous literature, the focus of this paper is on self concept-based sources of motivation. If internal and external self concepts are valid bases of motivation distinct from the other sources, then they must be able to independently explain motivated behavior. In the following section, we will demonstrate how the self concept can enrich our understanding of traditional models of motivation. We will also discuss how the self concept directs behavior via adaptive strategies.
THE IMPACT OF SELF CONCEPT ON MOTIVATIONAL PROCESSES
The motivational processes of expectancy, attribution, cognitive dissonance, and reinforcement have all been used to explain motivation. The following section will describe how each of these motivational processes can be understood by using the self concept as a basis of motivation.
Expectancy. The concept of expectancy is the cornerstone of the cognitive school of motivation. Expectancy theory posits that individuals choose among a set of behavioral alternatives on the basis of the motivational force of each alternative. The motivational force is a multiplicative combination of expectancy (i.e., the perceived probability that effort will lead to a desired outcome), instrumentality (i.e., the probability that this outcome will lead to a desired reward), and valence (i.e., value of the reward).
In the self-concept framework, individuals cognitively assess the likelihood of given actions leading to levels and types of task and/or social feedback consistent with their self perceptions. The valence of this feedback is based on the value or values associated with the role-specific identity as determined by the reference group. In other words, individual behavior is a choice process that is engaged in to obtain feedback on traits, competencies or values which are important in relation to the ideal self.
Attribution. The attribution process is concerned with the way in which individuals attempt to determine the causes of behavior. External attributions are those that are made when the observer (self or other) of a behavioral pattern believes that the actor is responding to situational forces, such as the expectation of a bonus. Internal attributions are made when the observer believes that the behavior is the result of some disposition of the actor such as a personality trait or internal value. Since the self concept is comprised of self perceptions of traits, competencies, and values, how the individual and others assess these attributes is important in the maintenance of these self perceptions.
In this process, the individual attempts to have others attribute certain traits, competencies and value to him/herself. The traits, competencies and values which the individual wishes to have attributed to him/her are those traits, competencies and values which are valued by the reference group to which the individual aspires. In order to achieve internal attribution, individuals must behave consistently across situations and across time. For example, with respect to competencies, individuals must establish control over task/project outcomes in order to generate the type of task/social feedback which is consistent with their self perceptions. In order for success to be attributed to the competencies of oneself, the other-directed individual seeks this control so that others attribute the outcomes of the task/project to him/herself. On the other hand, inner-directed individuals seek control of the task/project outcomes for their own satisfaction.
Cognitive Dissonance. According to the theory of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957), inconsistency between two cognitive elements, whether they represent beliefs, attitudes, or behavior, gives rise to dissonance. Assumed to be unpleasant, the presence of dissonance is said to motivate the individual to change one or more cognitive elements in an attempt to eliminate the unpleasant state. With respect to the self concept, dissonance occurs when task or social feedback differs from self perception. When dissonance occurs, individuals attempt to resolve it by utilizing one or more of the following adaptive strategies.
Adaptive Strategies. Adaptive strategies are the primary mechanisms which individuals use to deal with dissonance (i.e., conflict between their self perceptions and social or task feedback). The strategies may be cognitive, or they may take the form of acognitive scripts (i.e., patterns for behavior) which people call upon regularly when faced with disconfirming feedback. These adaptive behaviors include:
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Motivation -Expending greater effort to improve the feedback in the future.
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Discounting Feedback - Seeking out confirming feedback to discount the disconfirming feedback, or discrediting the source of the disconfirming feedback.
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Changing Feedback - Presenting evidence, and/or arguing, that the individual's evaluation was incorrect. (I am not, you are too; am not, are too.)
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Disassociation - Disassociating oneself from the outcome of a project. Publicly showing that one was not really trying so that the link between task outcome and traits, competencies and values is not likely to be made.
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Association - Attempting to create a strong perceptual link between task outcome and traits, competencies and values. Linking oneself to successful or high status organizations or groups.
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Reaction Formation - Convincing the world, and oneself, that a particular trait, competency or value is of no importance.
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Feedback Avoidance - Avoiding the opportunity to receive feedback or to subject one's traits, competencies or values to confirmation.
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Reducing Status of Others - Attempting to show that others have lower traits, competencies or values than oneself.
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Reinforcement. Reinforcement theory explains behavior in terms of the reinforcing consequences of the behavior. Individuals learn to repeat certain behaviors because they are rewarded and they discontinue behaviors that are either punished or not rewarded (Thorndike, 1911). Reinforcers are the stimuli that are presented to the individual upon engaging in a behavior and serve to increase the probability of that behavior in the future. | Task and social feedback which confirm self perceptions act as basic reinforcers. The strength of the self perception is a function of the relative amount of prior reinforcement. Perceptions that are consistently reinforced become strong and lead to a strong self concept. When feedback is lacking or inconsistent, the result is a relatively weak self concept. In other words, whether the self concept is perceived to be either high or low on any trait, competency or value, it is the consistency of the feedback which determines the strength of these perceptions. The weaker the self concept, the greater the need for either task or social feedback, and thus the stronger the self concept-based motivation.
Now that we have shown how motivation can be explained by utilizing the construct of the self concept, we need to discuss how organizational systems designed to induce motivation are related to such a construct. Thus, the next section will discuss managerial implications of a self concept-based theory of motivation.
MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS: SELF CONCEPT AND INDUCEMENT SYSTEMS
Inducement systems are those design aspects of an organization which act to energize, direct, or sustain behavior within the organization. The most commonly studied inducements systems are the reward, task, managerial, and social inducement systems. The reward system involves the design and implementation of formal reward systems in the organization, such as the compensation system and the promotional system. The task inducement system is involved with the motivational aspects of job and task design. The managerial inducement system derives its motivational properties from aspects of leadership style. Finally, the motivational impact of the work group or the organization as a social system defines the social inducement system.
The Reward Inducement System. The impact of reward systems on motivation has been analyzed mainly from a cognitive /instrumental perspective (Lawler, 1971). The motivational properties of pay systems have thus been tied to the expectation that increased effort will lead to greater pay and the instrumental value of pay to the individual. Thus, instrumental motivation is the primary source of motivation that the reward system attempts to induce. From a self concept perspective, pay provides a very potent form of social feedback. It tends to reinforce one's perception of competencies and provides an important source of status. Therefore, maintenance of the external self concept is an alternative source of motivation induced by the reward system. For example, a pay raise may be a form of pure instrumental motivation, or it may provide the basis upon which the individual's self perceptions are reinforced or enhanced.
Task Inducement System. The task design literature points to autonomy, task significance, feedback, task identity, and skill variety as attributes of the task that impact motivation (Hackman & Oldham, 1976). These authors claim that work redesign provides a strategy for enhancing internal work motivation (i.e., the individual does the work because it interests or challenges him/her). In terms of the self concept, the degree of autonomy would affect an individual's opportunity to attribute outcomes to his/her traits, competencies and values. The significance of a task, and one's contribution to the success of the task, would determine how important the feedback (task for inner-directed and social for other-directed) is to traits, competencies and values that comprise a role-specific identity that may be crucial to an individual's self concept. Task feedback is a necessary ingredient in reinforcement or affirmation of self perception, and one's ability to identify with a task would affect how important that feedback is to an individual's self concept. Skill variety would provide information regarding a number of traits, competencies and values that comprise different role specific identities. Goal internalization is the motivating source when the successful completion of a task helps fulfill important organizational goals that the individual has internalized into his/her own value system. Therefore, the task system induces motivation from all four of these sources (i.e., intrinsic process, internal and external self concept, and goal internalization) in significant ways.
The Managerial Inducement System. This inducement system also energizes, directs, and sustains behavior through a number of sources. Transactional leadership style is based on exchange relationships and is best utilized with individuals who are primarily instrumentally motivated. Socio-emotional leadership style provides an important source of social feedback, and is especially effective with other-directed individuals. Task leadership style provides inner-directed individuals with important task feedback regarding traits, competencies, and values. Leadership style, in terms of conditional /unconditional feedback, impacts one's self perception as well as one's self esteem. It is affected by the employee's ability to attribute task results to him/herself, depending on whether the leader is autocratic or participative. Lastly, transformational leadership style motivates by appealing to values and interests of the organization that have been internalized by the employees.
Social Inducement System. Under this inducement system, instrumentally-motivated individuals respond to norms and sanctions enforced by the work group or organization. These norms and sanctions provide both rewards and punishments that direct and sustain behavior. With regard to the self concept, individuals are motivated to demonstrate the traits, competencies, and values which are important to the work group. Thus, the social system provides the social feedback regarding one's level of these attributes.
Figure 2 presents a matrix of the five sources of motivation and the four inducement systems, illustrating how these sources are linked to each system as described above.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
In this paper we have proposed a model of organizational behavior which is based on the self concept. Expanding current theories of motivation to include the self concept, in terms of self perception, an ideal self, selfesteem, and social identities, allows us to account for both situationally inconsistent behavior as well as the overall stability or crosssituational consistency of behavior. While this model is in some ways considerably more complex than existing models, it integrates an extremely large and diverse research literature in a unique way. Rather than arguing that self concept motivation replaces the calculative exchange paradigm, this model accounts for and expands our notion of motivated behavior. Most importantly, the self concept model provides a basis for explaining a wide array of phenomena typically grouped under the title of expressive or intrinsic moti-vation. It is our hope that it will provide a more realistic portrayal of motivation and a basis for future research.
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